Dapo
Akande and Kevin
John Heller are engaging in a really interesting discussion on how the
application of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT) might allow
us to interpret the Rome Statute to include the use of chemical weapons as a
discrete war crime. Dapo argues that it can and Kevin, while agreeing with
Dapo, regrets that this result would be attained at the expense of states’
consent and explicit desire to exclude such a provision in the statute.
What I find
interesting in those posts is that they both take for granted that the VCLT in
fact can be applied to the Rome Statute. Of course, any first year
international law student will tell me that this is obvious and unquestionable:
the Rome Statute is a treaty and therefore, the VCLT applies. However, I’m not
entirely sure I agree.
I've always
found the question of the applicable rules of interpretation to international
criminal law statutes to be an underdeveloped aspect of the literature on the
work of the tribunals. The applicability to the statutes of the VCLT, or at
least the rules contained in it, has rarely really been questioned. The case
law of the ad hoc tribunals is full of judgments and decisions, which either
explicitly or implicitly refer to those rules, despite the fact that as UNSC
Resolutions, the Statutes of these institutions should not necessarily be
looked through that lens. In a recent decision, the Appeals
Chamber of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon even went as far as to claim
that the VCLT applies to “any internationally binding instrument, whatever
its normative source". As for the ICC, Judges have, most would say
logically, applied the VCLT to the Rome Statute as a treaty.
This
situation is understandable. As international lawyers, the VCLT is our default
go-to document to look for rules of interpretation of international documents.
But I believe this fundamentally ignores the specific nature of international
criminal law and the central role of the principle of legality. This is why, in
an upcoming book chapter, the first draft of which can be found here, I
suggest my own, somewhat unorthodox (according to everyone I've spoken to about
them) views on the applicability of the VCLT to the Rome Statute in the first
place. In a nutshell, what I argue in my Chapter is that the requirements of
the principle of legality in ICL would warrant against the application of the
broad and ultimately discretionary rules of interpretation of the VCLT.
For one,
they have been thoroughly been misused in the past, with unacceptable
references to the "object and purpose" approach to essentially
introduce morality as a way to circumvent strict legality. Indeed, you often
see broad references to the “end of impunity” or various variations on the
protection of human dignity as part of the “object and purpose” of the Rome
Statute to justify expansive (some say progressive) interpretations of the
applicable law. Also, I think that a rule such as that of subsequent practice
of States (article 31(3)(b), VCLT) would often not be compatible with the non-retroactivity
of criminal law.
Second of
all, and more technically, I put forward 2 series of arguments against the
application of the VCLT to the Rome Statute.
The first
one relates to the clear existence in Statute (compared to other international
criminal tribunals so far) of lex
specialis rules of interpretation, in terms of in dubio pro reo, strict intepretation and the prohibition of
analogy (article 22). This therefore would exclude the lex generalis rules of the Vienna Convention.
The second
argument is a bit different. I think that the "nature" of a document
depends not on the document itself, in an absolute and abstract way, but on the
entity applying it and the entities it is applied to. In other words, the Rome
Statute might sometimes be considered as a treaty and sometimes not. When it is
applied by the judges of the ICC, it is an internal application of the
Statute and it is therefore not applied qua
treaty, but rather as internal rules of the organization. On the other
hand, if two States were to engage in a dispute on the interpretation of the
Rome Statute (for example in relation to duties to cooperation or duties to
surrender accused), then the Rome Statute would apply qua treaty between them, and the VCLT would arguably be a valid
point of reference.
This second
approach, of the possible dual nature of an international document, is not unheard
of. For example, the question arose in the the Kosovo Advisory Opinion, which I
think completely fumbled the question of whether the constitutional framework
was relevant international law for the dispute. The ICJ said that it was, based
on the fact that it was formally an UNMIK Regulation, adopted pursuant to
powers granted by the UNSC. I must admit I initially agreed
with the ICJ, but on further reflection I do believe that because in that
context it was meant to be an internal legal document not aiming at having
international legal effect, it was not relevant international law at all (see
my LJIL
article for further discussion on this point).
To clarify,
I don’t suggest that my proposal removes by magic any difficulty in
interpreting the Rome Statute. There will always be cases of ambiguity, real of
perceived, that will probably require a balance of interests between different
possible interpretations. I just want to reintroduce one interest that is
somewhat often forgotten in these debates: that of the accused and more
generally, the application of the principle of legality. These interests should
come first in the discussion, not last as is often the case. For example, in
the above mentioned STL Appeals Chamber decision, there is a lengthy discussion
of all the different rules of interpretation contained in the VCLT, and only at
the very end is it mentioned that, if nothing else works to solve an ambiguity,
then the interpretation most favourable to the accused should be adopted. This,
for me, is the wrong logic. The first rules to go to are the ones which favor the
defendant.
Applied to
Kevin and Dapo’s conversation, this doesn’t mean that I would necessarily
disagree with them, just that I would approach things differently.
For me,
Dapo’s excellent interpretation needs to pass an additional test, that of being
foreseeable by the defendant. I’m also not sure it is not in violation of the
prohibition of expansion by analogy.
As for
Kevin’s points about the importance of State consent, I think that it is not
always a good starting point. Indeed, I don’t care what States wanted. If they
drafted an ambiguous provision, the interpretation most favorable to the
accused must be adopted, even if the travaux
préparatoires indicate that the other interpretation was favored. Drafters
should do their homework. If they plan to send someone to jail for a
considerable period of time based on the Statute, the least they can do is make
this crystal clear in the wording of the provisions. On the other hand, in the
specific case of chemical weapons, if there is wide public knowledge of States
wanting to exclude from the Statute, then it can be relevant in going to show
that prosecution specifically for such conduct was not foreseeable.
All in all,
given the regular violations of the principle of legality in international
criminal case law, my proposal therefore aims, beyond a change in the
applicable rules of interpretation, at a change in the state of mind of those
applying those rules, be they judges or academics.
I don't disagree with the post in the slightest; I'd be delighted if the VCLT didn't apply, and I agree that even if it does, it cannot be applied without taking into account the specific interpretive rule in the Rome Statute. I know Dapo at least partly agrees; he made a similar point in his essay on sources in the Oxford Companion to International Criminal Justice.
ReplyDeleteGlad you agree. I've been getting puzzled looks from a number of people since I've put my paper online and tried to explain it. Yes, Dapo does acknowledge the possible tensions between the VCLT and article 22. I just think he doesn't push the idea far enough.
ReplyDeleteAt least there is a specific problem of penal law, nulla poena sine lege, but that problem is not new, see Germanys reservation to the European Convention on Human Rights. Maybe it is inevitable. What Jordan Paust did suggest was "instant custom", wasnt it? The mysteries of history...
ReplyDelete